Mapping the motives: Patterns and contributing factors of sexual violence against women in Indonesia

• Susanti, SST, Bdn., M.Kes
• Yuni Retnowati, S.ST, Bdn., M.Keb
• Gusriani, S.ST., M.Keb
• Alfianur, Ns., M.Kep

Vol. 6 No. 1: 2025 | Pages: 43-50

DOI: 10.47679/makein.2025273   Reader: 581 times PDF Download: 408 times

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Abstract

INTRODUCTION

Sexual violence against women constitutes a severe violation of human rights and remains a critical public health and social justice issue globally (World Health Organization [WHO], 2022). Defined by the WHO as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or acts to traffic for sexual purposes, using coercion, threats, or physical force, regardless of the relationship to the victim,” sexual violence has wide-ranging consequences for victims’ physical, psychological, and social well-being (Bitzer, 2024; WHO, 2022). The United Nations further emphasizes that sexual violence is deeply rooted in gender inequality, power imbalances, and cultural norms that perpetuate discrimination against women (United Nations, 2021).

Recent global data reflect an alarming persistence of sexual violence. The WHO (2021) estimates that about one in three women worldwide experiences physical and/or sexual violence during her lifetime, with the majority of cases perpetrated by intimate partners. In Indonesia, the 2016 National Women’s Life Experience Survey (SPHPN) reported that one in three women aged 15–64 has experienced violence, and Komnas Perempuan’s Annual Report (Catahu) revealed a sharp increase in reported cases, reaching 406,178 in 2018—a 14% rise from the previous year (Komnas Perempuan, 2021). Urban women and those with lower economic status are particularly vulnerable, highlighting a complex interplay of socioeconomic, demographic, and cultural factors (Barbara et al., 2022; Cao et al., 2024).

Sexual violence is widely recognized as an “iceberg phenomenon,” where the number of reported cases represents only a visible and relatively minor portion of the actual scope of incidents (Felson & Paré, 2008; Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002). Multiple studies have shown that underreporting is a pervasive and persistent problem across societies, with some estimates suggesting that as little as 10–20% of cases ever come to the attention of authorities (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Zinzow & Thompson, 2011). This chronic underreporting is driven by a constellation of factors—most notably, pervasive stigma, fear of social ostracism, victim-blaming attitudes, concerns about retaliation, and a lack of trust in police or judicial systems, especially when the perpetrator is an acquaintance or family member (Bradford, 2006; Kurniasari, 2022; O’Neal, 2017).

Cultural and societal norms often further compound this silence, discouraging victims from disclosing abuse or encouraging them to minimize their experiences (Jewkes et al., 2013). In patriarchal societies, for example, victims may be pressured to maintain family honor or may fear economic and social repercussions if they report violence, particularly when the perpetrator is an intimate partner or household member (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Heise & García-Moreno, 2002). These patterns are consistent in both high-income and low- and middle-income countries, including Indonesia (Komnas Perempuan, 2021; Rumble et al., 2020).

Another layer to the “iceberg” is the societal tendency to narrowly define sexual violence by focusing predominantly on extreme acts such as rape, thereby neglecting the broader continuum of sexual violence, which includes sexual harassment, molestation, non-consensual touching, coercion, verbal harassment, and non-penetrative acts (Jayanth et al., 2024; Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002; Kern et al., 2024). Research indicates that these so-called “less severe” forms can also result in profound psychological trauma, anxiety, depression, and long-term adverse health outcomes for survivors (Dworkin et al., 2017; Fisher et al., 2003; Kern et al., 2024). Furthermore, victims of non-penetrative sexual violence are often less likely to report the incident, both due to social minimization and inadequate legal definitions or institutional responses (Basile et al., 2022; Orchowski et al., 2022).

The cumulative effect of these dynamics means that official data—even those collected through police records or hospital reports—likely underestimate both the prevalence and complexity of sexual violence, masking its true burden on women and society at large (Felson & Paré, 2008; Komnas Perempuan, 2021; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015). Understanding sexual violence as an iceberg phenomenon thus underscores the need for improved data collection, survivor-centered reporting systems, and greater societal awareness of the full range of sexual violence and its consequences.While Indonesia has made progress with legislative reforms, such as the passage of the Law on Sexual Violence (Undang-Undang Tindak Pidana Kekerasan Seksual), significant gaps remain in public awareness, access to survivor support services, and the effectiveness of law enforcement (Arsy & Yulianingsih, 2023; Lala et al., 2023). Local studies and official records often reveal a disconnect between the high prevalence of violence and the limited number of cases processed through the criminal justice system (Herlianto et al., 2019; Mas’udah et al., 2023).

Despite national and global attention, there is a pronounced knowledge gap regarding how sexual violence is reported, recorded, and addressed at the city or district level in Indonesia, particularly outside major urban centers (de Toledo Blake et al., 2014; Basile et al., 2022). Tarakan City, in North Kalimantan, has consistently recorded the highest rates of violence against women and children in the province, yet detailed analyses of case characteristics, reporting patterns, and systemic responses are rare.

The present study aims not only to identify the prevalence of sexual violence cases reported in Tarakan but also to critically analyze the patterns of cases that make it into the official record and justice system. By examining the operational definitions used in police data, the relationship between victims and perpetrators, and the documented contributing factors, this research seeks to illuminate how reporting and recording practices may introduce bias and shape our understanding of sexual violence at the local level (Bitzer, 2005; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). Furthermore, the study situates its analysis within the theoretical frameworks of gender-based violence and the biopsychosocial model, recognizing that sexual violence arises from a complex interplay of individual, relational, and societal factors (Heise & García-Moreno, 2002; Bitzer, 2005). By systematically bridging global, national, and local perspectives and integrating contemporary theory and empirical evidence, this research contributes to a nuanced understanding of the “iceberg” of sexual violence in Indonesia and offers recommendations for improved reporting, survivor support, and preventive interventions tailored to local realities.

METHOD

This study utilized a quantitative descriptive design to systematically analyze the prevalence and contributing factors of sexual violence against women in Tarakan City. The choice of a descriptive approach was grounded in its suitability for mapping the scope, patterns, and context of reported sexual violence cases based on available official data (Basile et al., 2022). The research was conducted in Tarakan City, North Kalimantan, with the focus period covering all cases reported to the Tarakan City Resort Police between January 2020 and December 2021. The entire population of reported cases during this period—a total of 40 cases—was included through total population sampling, which is appropriate for relatively rare events and allows for the most comprehensive analysis possible from available records (de Toledo Blake et al., 2014).

Data Collection and Management

The study relied on secondary data obtained from the official records and documentation maintained by the Tarakan City Resort Police. Data were collected using the documentation method, which involved careful extraction and classification of variables from police reports, including the victim's age, type of violence experienced, contributing factors, the relationship between victim and perpetrator, and the perpetrator’s identity. The review and extraction were conducted in April–August 2022. The decision to use police data reflects the need to understand how sexual violence is recorded and categorized in the local criminal justice system and acknowledges both the strengths and limitations inherent in administrative data (Felson & Paré, 2008).

Operational Definitions of Variables

To ensure clarity and reproducibility, each variable analyzed in this study was operationally defined based on the official categories used in police records, with additional reference to relevant literature where appropriate. Victim’s age was classified into four groups—14–17 years, 18–24 years, 25–40 years, and 41–60 years—in accordance with local government and police reporting conventions (Komnas Perempuan, 2021). The type of sexual violence was coded as reported by police, with primary categories including sexual harassment (non-physical or verbal actions of a sexual nature), molestation or "pencabulan" (non-penetrative physical sexual contact as defined by Indonesian law), rape or "pemerkosaan" (sexual intercourse or attempted penetration without consent, with no cases reported in this sample), sexual intercourse (consensual or non-consensual penetration as classified in police documentation), domestic violence (acts of sexual abuse within domestic relationships), and adultery (sexual acts categorized as adultery according to local legal norms). Contributing factors were also identified, with "biological factors" noted in police reports as sexual urges or impulses either cited by perpetrators or inferred by law enforcement from investigation notes, while "economic factors" were recorded in cases involving economic hardship, unemployment, or financial stress as motivators. Although the police template included other categories such as psychological factors, alcohol or drug use, and family history of sexual violence, none of the cases in this dataset listed these as primary motivators. In instances where the category in the police record was ambiguous or absent, the variable was classified as "unidentified" and omitted from the primary analysis. The relationship between victim and perpetrator was coded as boyfriend, husband, relative or family member, teacher, religious leader, or unidentified, in accordance with how it was specified in each report.

Ethical Considerations and Privacy

As this research was based solely on publicly available secondary data without any direct contact with victims, ethical approval was not required (Komnas Perempuan, 2021; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015). All identifying information was removed, and data were handled with strict attention to privacy and confidentiality. No names, addresses, or other personal details were extracted or disclosed. The researchers adhered to all relevant ethical guidelines for handling sensitive administrative data (World Health Organization, 2022).

Data Analysis

Data were analyzed using descriptive quantitative methods, calculating frequencies and percentages for each variable of interest. Results were summarized in tables to enhance clarity and facilitate interpretation. Patterns and distributions were compared with findings from previous research and national-level reports to situate the results in a broader context (Basile et al., 2022; Komnas Perempuan, 2021).

RESULTS OF STUDY

This study analyzed 40 cases of reported sexual violence against women in Tarakan City during 2020–2021. The findings are organized into several key variables: victim age, forms of violence, recorded motives, profiles of perpetrators, and the relationship between victim and perpetrator. The results are summarized in Table 1, with both case counts and corresponding percentages for each category to provide context and transparency.

Table 1. Frequency Distribution of the Prevalence of Sexual Violence Cases Against Women

Category	Freq	Percent (%)
Victim's Age
14–17 years	5	12.82
18–24 years	21	51.28
25–40 years	12	30.77
41–60 years	2	5.13
Form of Sexual Violence
Sexual harassment	5	12.5
Rape	0	0
Molestation	14	35.0
Domestic violence (DV)	9	22.5
Sexual intercourse	11	27.5
Adultery	1	2.5
Contributing Factors
Biological	31	77.5
Psychological	0	0
Economic	9	22.5
Alcohol/drug use	0	0
Family history of sexual violence	0	0
Perpetrator
Teacher	1	2.5
Religious leader	0	0
Boyfriend	21	52.5
Relative/family member	7	17.5
Husband	9	22.5
Unidentified	2	5.0
Relationship to Victim
Husband	9	22.5
Relative/family member	7	17.5
Boyfriend	21	52.5
Unidentified	3	7.5

Victim Age

Most victims were young women aged 18–24 years, accounting for 21 out of 40 cases (51.3%), followed by those aged 25–40 years with 12 cases (30.8%). There were 5 victims aged 14–17 years (12.8%), and only 2 victims in the 41–60 age group (5.1%). These findings indicate that sexual violence is most commonly reported among women in late adolescence and early adulthood, with markedly lower rates among older age groups.

Forms of Sexual Violence

In terms of the form of violence, molestation (non-penetrative sexual contact) was the most frequently reported, comprising 14 cases (35%). Sexual intercourse—categorized by police documentation as both consensual and non-consensual penetration—accounted for 11 cases (27.5%). Domestic violence (DV), which here refers to acts of sexual abuse within domestic relationships, was reported in 9 cases (22.5%). Sexual harassment, defined as non-physical or verbal sexual actions, made up 5 cases (12.5%), and adultery, as classified by local legal norms, accounted for 1 case (2.5%). Notably, no cases of rape were documented in the dataset, raising questions about reporting and classification practices. The absence of reported rape cases could be due to underreporting, stigma, or legal and procedural nuances in how cases are categorized by authorities—a phenomenon noted in previous research (Kurniasari, 2022; Komnas Perempuan, 2021).

Recorded Motives

With respect to recorded motives, biological factors—documented as sexual urges or impulses either stated by perpetrators or inferred in police records—were the most common, cited in 31 cases (77.5%). Economic factors, such as financial hardship or unemployment, were recorded in 9 cases (22.5%). There were no cases where psychological factors, alcohol or drug use, or family history of sexual violence were listed as primary motivators in the police reports. If the motive was ambiguous or not reported, it was classified as “unidentified” and excluded from primary analysis.

Perpetrator Profiles

Regarding perpetrator characteristics, the majority of reported cases involved individuals who were boyfriends of the victims, comprising 21 cases (52.5%). Husbands were identified as perpetrators in 9 cases (22.5%), relatives or family members in 7 cases (17.5%), and teachers in 1 case (2.5%). No cases involved religious leaders, while 2 cases (5%) listed the perpetrator as unidentified.

Victim – Perpetrator Relationship

Analysis of the relationship between victims and perpetrators further underscores the predominance of close, familiar connections. Boyfriends accounted for the largest proportion (21 cases, 52.5%), followed by husbands (9 cases, 22.5%), relatives or family members (7 cases, 17.5%), and three cases (7.5%) where the relationship was not identified in the records. This distribution reinforces patterns observed in previous research, which indicate that sexual violence is frequently perpetrated by individuals within the victim’s personal and social network rather than by strangers.

The results demonstrate that the prevalence of sexual violence in this context is highest among young women and most often involves perpetrators who have an emotional or familiar relationship with the victim. The data reveal a predominance of non-penetrative acts and domestic violence, with biological and economic motives most frequently recorded by police. The absence of rape cases and the lack of reports linked to psychological or substance-related motives point toward potential reporting biases, societal stigma, and the limitations inherent in administrative data collection (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Komnas Perempuan, 2021).

DISCUSSION

A central anomaly in the current findings is the absence of any cases recorded as rape, despite substantial national and international evidence suggesting its prevalence among forms of sexual violence (Komnas Perempuan, 2021; Basile et al., 2022). This raises important questions about reporting and classification practices within the local justice system. The phenomenon of underreporting—often referred to as the “iceberg” effect—suggests that social stigma, victim-blaming, and a lack of trust in authorities significantly reduce the likelihood of victims reporting rape, especially when the perpetrator is a known individual or an intimate partner (Kurniasari, 2022; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015). Additionally, legal and procedural nuances may lead police to classify rape as “sexual intercourse” or “molestation,” thereby further distorting official statistics (Orchowski et al., 2022; Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002). These biases highlight the urgent need for improved, survivor-centered data systems and better training for law enforcement to correctly classify and respond to all forms of sexual violence.

These findings strongly align with the gender-based violence (GBV) framework, which emphasizes that sexual violence is fundamentally embedded in structural power imbalances, persistent gender inequality, and sociocultural norms that reinforce and excuse male dominance and female subordination (Flood & Pease, 2009; Heise & García-Moreno, 2002; Jewkes et al., 2013; United Nations, 2021). GBV theory posits that societal acceptance of rigid gender roles, patriarchy, and the normalization of violence in intimate relationships create environments where sexual violence is both tolerated and underreported (Yodanis, 2004; Rumble et al., 2020). In Indonesia, researchers have identified how socialization practices, religious interpretations, and legal frameworks sometimes reinforce male authority and silence survivors, further entrenching the risks and impacts of sexual violence (Putri & Suyanto, 2021; Komnas Perempuan, 2021).

The dominance of reported motives labeled as “biological factors” in police records (77.5%) must therefore be interpreted with caution and critical reflection. While evolutionary psychology and biopsychosocial theories do acknowledge the potential influence of biological drives on sexual behavior (Thornhill & Palmer, 2000; Bitzer, 2005), overemphasizing such motives risks obscuring the critical role of gender socialization, cultural norms, and the broader social ecology of violence (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Rumble et al., 2020; Basile et al., 2022). Scholars warn that an overreliance on “biological” or “impulse-driven” explanations can inadvertently shift attention away from perpetrator accountability and the modifiable societal factors that enable abuse (Flood & Pease, 2009; Jewkes & Morrell, 2010; Hidayana & Ardhianie, 2019). For example, research from Indonesia demonstrates that perpetrators often invoke “loss of control” or “natural urges” as justifications, while police and community leaders may accept such narratives, thus minimizing criminal liability and ignoring the need for broader social change (Hidayana & Ardhianie, 2019; Komnas Perempuan, 2021).

A growing body of global and Indonesian literature instead points to a multifactorial and intersectional understanding of sexual violence. Factors such as gender norms, early childhood exposure to violence, socialization into masculinity, economic pressures, and disrupted family dynamics all interact to shape both the risk and expression of violence (Bitzer, 2005; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000; Jewkes et al., 2013; Nurmala et al., 2024; Rumble et al., 2020). Economic stress, for instance, has been shown to heighten relationship tensions and is a documented risk factor in Indonesian settings, where financial dependency and limited employment opportunities can exacerbate vulnerability to coercion and control (Nurmala et al., 2024; Basile et al., 2022; Mas’udah et al., 2023). Furthermore, prevailing norms of masculinity, the normalization of violence, and the prioritization of family reputation can discourage reporting and promote a culture of silence (Heise & García-Moreno, 2002; Flood & Pease, 2009; Putri & Suyanto, 2021).

The current data also confirm that the highest prevalence of sexual violence is among young women aged 18–24 and 25–40 years, paralleling both national and global trends showing heightened vulnerability in late adolescence and early adulthood (Barbara et al., 2022; Cao et al., 2024; Mhelembe et al., 2022; PPPA, 2022). Multiple studies have attributed this vulnerability not only to age-related power imbalances, but also to rapid transitions in relationship status, limited access to sexual health education, and greater exposure to coercive environments (Jewkes et al., 2013; Fulu et al., 2013). Consistent with other research, the current study finds that most acts of sexual violence occur within emotional or social relationships—perpetrated by boyfriends, husbands, or relatives—rather than by strangers (Gajmer, 2020; Arsad et al., 2021; Basile et al., 2022; Mas’udah et al., 2023; de Toledo Blake et al., 2014). This supports the argument that interventions should focus on relational and community contexts, not just on individual “risk factors.”

Taken together, these findings affirm the need for integrated, multifaceted prevention and response strategies that go beyond individual pathology or biology, and instead target social norms, gendered expectations, economic empowerment, and robust legal protections (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Heise & García-Moreno, 2002; Basile et al., 2022; United Nations, 2021). Only through a comprehensive, gender-transformative approach can we hope to address the true roots of sexual violence and support survivors in all their complexity.

Limitations and Future Research

This study is subject to several limitations inherent in its use of secondary police data. As discussed, underreporting, social stigma, and misclassification can result in significant underestimation of both the prevalence and complexity of sexual violence (Felson & Paré, 2008; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015). The small sample size and the use of only reported cases from one city further limit generalizability. The predominance of “biological” as a motive in official records suggests institutional and cultural biases in the attribution and understanding of violence, calling for qualitative and mixed-method research to explore survivor experiences, reporting barriers, and the interplay of social and psychological factors. Comparative studies across different regions and integrating community-based data could further clarify patterns and improve advocacy and intervention efforts (Basile et al., 2022; Orchowski et al., 2022).

Implications for Policy, Reporting Systems, and Victim Advocacy

The findings highlight the necessity of reforming reporting and data collection systems to more accurately reflect the complexity of sexual violence and to provide better support for survivors (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2015; Kurniasari, 2022). Policy efforts should focus on comprehensive sexual education, economic empowerment, and community engagement to challenge social norms that condone or trivialize violence. Strengthening survivor-centered legal processes, building multidisciplinary support services, and enhancing public awareness are all essential for breaking cycles of silence and providing pathways to justice and healing (Arsy & Yulianingsih, 2023; Lala et al., 2023). Educational programs must address healthy relationships, gender equality, and stigma reduction—targeting both public and private spheres where violence occurs. Finally, future research must prioritize survivors’ voices and lived experiences, ensuring that interventions are responsive, inclusive, and evidence-based.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION

This study highlights the patterns and documented motives of sexual violence against women in Tarakan City as captured by local police records from 2020–2021. The findings reveal that most victims were young women aged 18–24 years, with boyfriends and husbands being the most common perpetrators. Molestation and domestic violence emerged as the most frequent forms of sexual violence, while police records overwhelmingly attributed biological motives to perpetrators. Importantly, the study found no cases classified as rape, a finding likely reflecting underreporting, social stigma, and the ways in which law enforcement records and categorizes such cases, rather than the absence of these crimes in the community.

It is critical to interpret these results within the context of their limitations. The data analyzed here represent only reported cases; many incidents likely remain unreported due to social, cultural, and systemic barriers. Furthermore, the dominance of “biological” factors as recorded motives may reflect institutional and societal biases that oversimplify the drivers of sexual violence and risk diminishing perpetrator accountability. As such, the findings should be seen as a reflection of prevailing practices in case documentation and classification within the local justice system—not as a complete or representative portrait of sexual violence in the community.

Based on these findings, several recommendations are proposed. First, law enforcement agencies and other stakeholders must be educated on the diversity and complexity of motives underlying sexual violence, moving beyond narrow biological explanations to include economic, sociocultural, and psychological factors. Standardized, survivor-centered protocols for reporting, classification, and investigation should be developed and implemented to ensure that all forms of sexual violence—including those currently underreported—are recognized and appropriately addressed. Collaboration across sectors—including health care, education, legal, and social services—is essential to create integrated prevention and response systems.

At the policy level, there is an urgent need to strengthen legal frameworks, expand survivor support services, and promote community awareness campaigns that challenge stigma and empower women. Education initiatives should target not only potential victims, but also men and boys, emphasizing healthy relationships, gender equality, and nonviolent conflict resolution. Community leaders, educators, and policymakers must work together to address the root causes of sexual violence, including entrenched gender norms and economic vulnerabilities.

Finally, this study underscores the need for further research using qualitative or mixed-methods approaches to explore the lived experiences of survivors, reporting barriers, and the intersection of individual, relational, and societal risk factors. Comparative studies involving multiple cities or regions would provide a broader understanding of how local contexts shape both the prevalence and reporting of sexual violence. Ultimately, a coordinated, multi-sectoral approach is essential for meaningful progress in preventing sexual violence and supporting survivors at every level.

DECLARATIONS

Funding

This study was financially supported through an internal research grant provided by LPPM Universitas Borneo Tarakan

Conflicts of interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Ethics approval and consent to participate

This study was conducted using publicly available secondary data. No direct interaction with human subjects occurred. Ethical clearance was not required.

Consent for publication

Not applicable.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Artificial Intelligence-Assisted Technology

The authors declare that no generative artificial intelligence (AI) tools were used in the writing or editing of this manuscript.

Authors' contributions:

Susanti: Conceptualization, data analysis, manuscript drafting. Yuni Retnowati: Literature review, writing, review and editing. Gusriani: Data interpretation, manuscript refinement. Alfianur: Methodology, supervision, final approval of the manuscript. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Susanti obtained her Master’s degree in Public Health and has extensive experience in conducting research related to women’s reproductive health, family planning, and newborn care. She is actively engaged as a lecturer at a higher education institution in the health sector and has published several scientific articles in national and international journals. Her research interests focus on maternal and child health, as well as evidence-based improvements in midwifery care services.

Yuni Retnowati is a permanent lecturer in the Midwifery Study Program. She is currently pursuing doctoral studies with a concentration on improving maternal quality of life through community-based interventions. Her research covers maternal nutrition during pregnancy, postpartum mental health, and the development of culturally based assessment instruments.

Gusriani is a researcher in the field of midwifery, with a primary focus on child development and maternal-child nutrition. Her research emphasizes promotive and preventive efforts in midwifery services, particularly in relation to nutritional interventions during the first 1,000 Days of Life and family-based child development stimulation. She actively conducts applied research that explores the relationship between maternal nutritional status (during pregnancy and breastfeeding) and child development outcomes in coastal and remote communities. Her work includes studies on eating behaviors, access to nutritious local foods, and the role of midwives in the early detection of developmental delays. Through a transdisciplinary approach, she has developed integrated models of midwifery and nutrition services and has established research collaborations with various institutional partners in developing educational modules, functional food products, and community empowerment strategies to prevent stunting.

Alfianur Alfianur is actively involved as both a lecturer and researcher in the field of community-based midwifery. He has contributed to numerous trainings and community service activities focused on women’s empowerment and reproductive health. His research interests include the application of psychosocial approaches in postpartum maternal care and promotive interventions for adolescent girls aimed at preventing anemia and menstrual disorders.

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